I am reading Annick Cojean's Gaddafi's Harem: The Story of a Young Woman And The Abuses of Power in Libya. It chronicles the experiences of "Soraya", a young schoolgirl who was taken to become one of the concubine "guards" of Muammar Gaddafi, and details the systematic rape, molestation and abuse of women at the hands of the "Guide of the Revolution." The book raises uncomfortable questions about the intersection of ethics and foreign policy--the types of issues that we have been trying to address in the ongoing dialogue between the Carnegie Council on Ethics and International Affairs and the Naval War College.
Soraya recounts her experiences "working" as a "guard" or as a glorified hostess during the visits of foreign dignitaries, including Western officials. Her enslavement took place during Gaddafi's honeymoon period with the West, at a time when Gaddafi was taking a number of positive steps: he had dismantled his country's WMD programs, ceased his support for terrorism, was assisting in efforts to combat the proliferation of dangerous technologies, was attempting to stem the flow of Libyan nationals to join extremist organizations engaged in terror activities, and was even presenting a formula (however unrealistic) for resolving the Israel-Palestine dispute. Although his visits to Libya did not overlap with Soraya's period of forced service, Holocaust survivor and a leading champion of human rights, the late Congressman Tom Lantos, praised Gaddafi's constructive efforts and lauded the progress that was being achieved. But how might he--or other policymakers who have taken strong stances against human trafficking and rights abuses--reacted if, during a visit to Libya, they had received a direct plea for help from Soraya or one of her fellows?
Some policymakers might take the line that personal ethics play no role in statecraft which is by definition amoral; that Gaddafi's crimes were a matter internal to Libya and that outsiders should have no standing to raise the issue. This strict neo-Westphalian approach (which takes the line that "what pleases the prince has force of law") tends to be embraced by some of the rising powers of the south and east, notably China, but traditionally has never sat well with U.S. officials. Is the answer to be found in utilitarianism: that while Soraya and hundreds of other women were forced to suffer at Gadhafi's hands, it was for a good cause--the cause of global security; because of the willingness of the West to engage Gaddafi after 2003--in contrast to the more threatening posture of the 1980s and 1990s--deadly materials which might have fallen or even been openly supplied into dangerous hands were secured and destroyed. (A similar query is underway with regards to Syria; is the suffering of the civil populace because of the ongoing war in Syria balanced by the destruction of Syria's chemical weapons stockpiles).
Cojean's work is cited by some as further proof of the correctness of the decision taken by the Obama administration in 2011 to commit U.S. airpower to Gaddafi's demise, and as an implicit rebuke to those who believed in engaging Gaddafi in the first place rather than pushing for his removal. Yet Gaddafi's private crimes stand in juxtaposition to a generally positive record after 2003 as a responsible statesman, and the post-Gaddafi chaos (much like the post-Saddam chaos in Iraq after 2003) has also led to quite negative ethical outcomes in terms of securing the basic human rights of the populace. This raises another ethical consideration: what is the better choice, retaining a tyrant who might nonetheless provide security and the possibility of an eventual transition to a more open, liberal and just order or deposing that tyrant but leaving chaos and insecurity in its wake. To some extent, that depends on the individual; Soraya is no longer being attacked or molested by Gaddafi, but a Tuareg or sub-Saharan African who might have lived a peaceful and productive life under the old order in Libya now faces persecution and the risk of being killed.
As someone who writes on national security policy, and who was generally supportive of the Libya deal on WMD and engagement with Libya, Cojean's account is a reminder of the unpleasant ethical tradeoffs that occur in policymaking--but also highlights why it is important for these issues to be discussed.
[DISCLAIMER: This post reflects the personal opinion of the author]